by Paul A. Rahe
Over the last twenty-two months, Barack Obama, Rahm Emanuel, Nancy Pelosi, and Harry Reid have sown the wind. Today – if the polls are any indication – they will reap the whirlwind.
The portents have been there for a very long time. It all began on 19 February 2009 with a rant on CNBC on the part of Rick Santelli, which struck a nerve and occasioned the birth of the Tea-Party Movement. That the tide might be beginning to turn was made evident in mid-April of that year when the adherents of that movement successfully mounted demonstrations across the entire country, and the Democrats and their minions in the media began denouncing them as Astroturf, Nazis, racists, and tea-baggers. And to anyone who cared to notice, the seriousness of the opposition and the depth of their concern was made manifest that August when constituents confronted their Senators and Congressmen in town halls throughout the land and shouted them down. It was on 2 August 2009 that I first suggested that, if the Republicans embraced the Tea-Party Movement and articulated the grievances that had occasioned its emergence, a genuine political realignment might be in the offing.
As it happened – and it was by and large an accident – the Republicans were well-positioned to take advantage of this political opening. In January, 2009, many of the House Republicans and not a few of their colleagues in the Senate would have been willing to cooperate with the Democrats in promoting the agenda of the Obama administration. In 2008, they had received a drubbing at the polls, and they were appropriately cowed. But, campaign rhetoric aside, no one on the Democratic side was seriously interested in bipartisan accord. They had won the election; they persuaded themselves that they had a mandate; and though President Obama had presented himself to the voting public as a moderate, he and his fellow Democrats had not the slightest intention of seeking the middle ground. In the House, it would not have taken much to swing a sizable group of Republicans behind the Democrats’ program, but Nancy Pelosi was intent on revenge. So, when the so-called “stimulus” bill came up for a vote, she made sure that there were within it no earmarks for the Republicans, and out of pique nearly all of them voted against the measure.
The country owes Obama, Emanuel, Pelosi, and Reid a great deal. They put backbone into Republicans who never knew they had one; they ripped the masks off Democrats who had always posed as moderates, displaying the radicalism of the party’s agenda for one and all to see; and they pursued their ends by means ruthless, transparently corrupt, and tyrannical. Bills were put together in the middle of the night and jammed through the House unread. Corrupt bargains were negotiated in the Senate and awarded colorful and memorable names; and when the public in due course learned of Gator Aid (sometimes called the Florida Flim-Flam), of the Cornhusker Kickback, the Louisiana Purchase, the Connecticut Compromise, and the like, they erupted in fury.
Already in November, 2009, it was evident to anyone willing to pay attention that for this there would be hell to pay – for on the first Tuesday of that month, one year ago today, the citizens of Virginia and New Jersey, states that had voted for Barack Obama in 2008, elected Republicans Bob McDonnell and Chris Christie governors with comfortable margins. Then, two-and-a-half months later – after one version of Obamacare had passed the House and another, the Senate – came the Massachusetts miracle on 19 January 2010, when Scott Brown wrested Ted Kennedy’s seat from the Democrats in that left-liberal state by campaigning against Obamacare.
The Democrats had ample warning. On Christmas Eve in 2009, William Daley, brother of the Mayor of Chicago, former Secretary of Commerce, and mastermind of the Chicago machine, emerged from the shadows to tell his fellow Democrats that “the Democratic Party — my lifelong political home — has a critical decision to make: Either we plot a more moderate, centrist course or risk electoral disaster not just in the upcoming midterms but in many elections to come.”
No one knows just how big the Republican wave will be today, but there is excellent reason to think that it will dwarf every electoral shift that has taken place since the Second World War. Yesterday, the Gallup organization, which has an impeccable track record in this particular, released its final pre-election generic ballot poll results. They show the Republicans ahead among likely voters by 15% – a greater margin, with the sole exception of the post-Watergate Democratic wave in 1974, than either party has attained in the sixty years in which the Gallup organization has been collecting this sort of information. What this suggests is that the guess I advanced on 2 September and later reasserted here and here – that the Republicans would pick up between 70 and 100 seats in the House and gain a majority in the Senate – was on the mark.
Today is Judgment Day – and it is easy to see why President Obama plans to leave tomorrow for an extended sojourn abroad. For before he departs he, his administration, and party will be judged by the American people and found wanting.
BigGovernment
Over the last twenty-two months, Barack Obama, Rahm Emanuel, Nancy Pelosi, and Harry Reid have sown the wind. Today – if the polls are any indication – they will reap the whirlwind.
The portents have been there for a very long time. It all began on 19 February 2009 with a rant on CNBC on the part of Rick Santelli, which struck a nerve and occasioned the birth of the Tea-Party Movement. That the tide might be beginning to turn was made evident in mid-April of that year when the adherents of that movement successfully mounted demonstrations across the entire country, and the Democrats and their minions in the media began denouncing them as Astroturf, Nazis, racists, and tea-baggers. And to anyone who cared to notice, the seriousness of the opposition and the depth of their concern was made manifest that August when constituents confronted their Senators and Congressmen in town halls throughout the land and shouted them down. It was on 2 August 2009 that I first suggested that, if the Republicans embraced the Tea-Party Movement and articulated the grievances that had occasioned its emergence, a genuine political realignment might be in the offing.
As it happened – and it was by and large an accident – the Republicans were well-positioned to take advantage of this political opening. In January, 2009, many of the House Republicans and not a few of their colleagues in the Senate would have been willing to cooperate with the Democrats in promoting the agenda of the Obama administration. In 2008, they had received a drubbing at the polls, and they were appropriately cowed. But, campaign rhetoric aside, no one on the Democratic side was seriously interested in bipartisan accord. They had won the election; they persuaded themselves that they had a mandate; and though President Obama had presented himself to the voting public as a moderate, he and his fellow Democrats had not the slightest intention of seeking the middle ground. In the House, it would not have taken much to swing a sizable group of Republicans behind the Democrats’ program, but Nancy Pelosi was intent on revenge. So, when the so-called “stimulus” bill came up for a vote, she made sure that there were within it no earmarks for the Republicans, and out of pique nearly all of them voted against the measure.
The country owes Obama, Emanuel, Pelosi, and Reid a great deal. They put backbone into Republicans who never knew they had one; they ripped the masks off Democrats who had always posed as moderates, displaying the radicalism of the party’s agenda for one and all to see; and they pursued their ends by means ruthless, transparently corrupt, and tyrannical. Bills were put together in the middle of the night and jammed through the House unread. Corrupt bargains were negotiated in the Senate and awarded colorful and memorable names; and when the public in due course learned of Gator Aid (sometimes called the Florida Flim-Flam), of the Cornhusker Kickback, the Louisiana Purchase, the Connecticut Compromise, and the like, they erupted in fury.
Already in November, 2009, it was evident to anyone willing to pay attention that for this there would be hell to pay – for on the first Tuesday of that month, one year ago today, the citizens of Virginia and New Jersey, states that had voted for Barack Obama in 2008, elected Republicans Bob McDonnell and Chris Christie governors with comfortable margins. Then, two-and-a-half months later – after one version of Obamacare had passed the House and another, the Senate – came the Massachusetts miracle on 19 January 2010, when Scott Brown wrested Ted Kennedy’s seat from the Democrats in that left-liberal state by campaigning against Obamacare.
The Democrats had ample warning. On Christmas Eve in 2009, William Daley, brother of the Mayor of Chicago, former Secretary of Commerce, and mastermind of the Chicago machine, emerged from the shadows to tell his fellow Democrats that “the Democratic Party — my lifelong political home — has a critical decision to make: Either we plot a more moderate, centrist course or risk electoral disaster not just in the upcoming midterms but in many elections to come.”
The political dangers of this situation could not be clearer.Alluding to Parker Griffith’s defection to the Republicans and to the Democrats who had decided to retire, Daley concluded, they are “the truest canaries in the coal mine.” But, of course, no one listened; and, after Scott Brown took his seat in the Senate, Pelosi and her associates jammed through the House the Senate version of Obamacare and thereby sealed their party’s fate.
Witness the losses in New Jersey and Virginia in this year’s off-year elections. In those gubernatorial contests, the margin of victory was provided to Republicans by independents — many of whom had voted for Obama. Just one year later, they had crossed back to the Republicans by 2-to-1 margins.
Witness the drumbeat of ominous poll results. Obama’s approval rating has fallen below 49 percent overall and is even lower — 41 percent — among independents. On the question of which party is best suited to manage the economy, there has been a 30-point swing toward Republicans since November 2008, according to Ipsos. Gallup’s generic congressional ballot shows Republicans leading Democrats. There is not a hint of silver lining in these numbers. They are the quantitative expression of the swing bloc of American politics slipping away.
No one knows just how big the Republican wave will be today, but there is excellent reason to think that it will dwarf every electoral shift that has taken place since the Second World War. Yesterday, the Gallup organization, which has an impeccable track record in this particular, released its final pre-election generic ballot poll results. They show the Republicans ahead among likely voters by 15% – a greater margin, with the sole exception of the post-Watergate Democratic wave in 1974, than either party has attained in the sixty years in which the Gallup organization has been collecting this sort of information. What this suggests is that the guess I advanced on 2 September and later reasserted here and here – that the Republicans would pick up between 70 and 100 seats in the House and gain a majority in the Senate – was on the mark.
Today is Judgment Day – and it is easy to see why President Obama plans to leave tomorrow for an extended sojourn abroad. For before he departs he, his administration, and party will be judged by the American people and found wanting.
BigGovernment
